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One question naturally arises: why is it necessary to distinguish trade
between nations from trade between regions, and even from trade between
individual consumers? The basic motivations for all such exchanges are
similar, including differences in tastes and factor endowments. However,
there are some unique features of international trade. First, though it is
reasonable to assume that labor is completely mobile within a country, labor
mobility among countries is severely restricted because of government
regulation and differences in such things as language, religion, and social
customs. Indeed, it is usually assumed in trade theory that labor is
completely immobile among countries. Much of the theory of international
trade also assumes capital to be immobile among countries, though we
thoroughly analyze the implications of capital mobility later in the course of
discussion in this course material. Differences in the degree of factor
mobility are important because they help govern the incentives for and the
implications of trade in commodities.
People in wealthier nations often argue that trade with poorer nations is
harmful because it invites competition from low-wage foreign labor, while
people in poorer countries make the opposite case that trade with countries
with high-level technologies is unfair. These two views are fundamentally
mercantilist in nature, in that they see international trade as taking place
within a fixed-sum game. The gains to one country are accompanied by
losses to another country. This view is wrong because International
exchange, like trade among domestic agents, tends to expand aggregate
incomes in all countries. Indeed, a substantial point of inquiry will be to
investigate the nature of the gains from trade, or the benefits from
international commerce.
Q. Briefly discuss the importance of international trade.
Globally, international trade has grown considerably in recent decades. For
example, over the period between 1963 and 1979, the rate of expansion of
real merchandise exports (that is, the value of exports deflated by changes
in export prices) in the world averaged 11.8 percent per year, a remarkably
high growth rate by historical standards. Indeed, this figure likely
underestimates the true growth in the real volume of exports because
available price data do not adequately account for the marked improvements
in product quality in recent years. At the same time, global growth in real
output, measured by gross domestic product (GDP) in each country,
averaged 6.1 percent per year, also high by historical standards. Thus,
during that period, the world experienced a rapidly rising effective
integration among countries as they become more closely interrelated
through international trade in goods. This trend continued after 1979,